York Fire Fighters


Death of Tradition
The 1990's

The 1990's began with a renewed sense of optimism. There was a new chief who was responsive to the needs of his fire fighters, a new city council to replace the old one mired in corruption, and a new headquarters station with plenty of room for the day staff. A labour-friendly government was in office in the Provincial Legislature, and Brian Mulroney was about to become just a bad memory. Collective agreements were settled quickly without a great deal of animosity, and raises and benefit improvements were steady.

Many of the fire fighters hired in the large groups of the 1960's were being replaced with large groups of new recruits, and promotional opportunities were better than ever. The staffing crisis was being handled by a newly-negotiated time-and-a-half callback clause, and many fire fighters were enjoying the overtime.

Meanwhile, the City of York was going broke. The Metropolitan Toronto Fire Emergency Service Plan was put into effect more frequently, sometimes activated when York was attending a single fire response. As hard as the Chief tried to run his department and keep fire department issues among his staff, the city insisted on gaining more control. Bureaucrats were being recruited from outside the city to contract positions in the corporation with mandates to cut costs.

Training continued to be a high priority with all officers still being sent to the Ontario Fire College. The large number of fire fighters fresh out of training also ensured a well-trained workforce. The fear of liability after the Port Colborne drowning of a fire fighter attempting a rescue prompted the OFM to require special courses in ice and water rescue. York participated fully, being the only fire department in Metro to train to enter the water for rescue purposes. Training in high angle rescue, confined space rescue and hazardous materials was also offered to fire fighters. A new hazardous materials truck, Haz-Mat 9, was put into service. Although it was not permanently staffed, it was on call staffed by fire fighters from other trucks, and was used from time to time. Government regulations requiring WHMIS training and Health and Safety Certified Representatives were observed, and the Joint Health and Safety Committee was strong and effective.

The NDP government passed employment equity legislation to help make it easier for target groups to be hired. The City of York took the initiative to hire women and minorities long before the bill, but human resources staff and Council supported the legislation. Local 411 went on record as supporting the goals of the legislation, and offered to participate in outreach programs and member education. However, the local was concerned about quotas, and the reduction of bona fide standards to accomplish this. Council and Human Resources mistakenly read this as a predictable stereotypical reaction from a union representing a male dominated workforce, and went ahead with their motions based on quotas. Their initiatives ultimately failed. Similarly, their failure to address a member's concerns about accommodation and alleged harassment landed both the city and the union into legal wranglings and an appearance before the Ontario Human Rights Commission.

Cooperation once facilitated decisions where the corporation and association had common ground. But in the 90's even issues of mutual interest resulted in battles. Grievance numbers were up substantially. Stage 3 grievances taken to the Administrative Committee of Council were denied as a matter of course. Human Resources personnel had the last say in these meetings, in private, while the Association was excluded. The union wasn't even allowed to hear what was being said, let alone being able to refute statements or add clarification. It appeared the corporation was trying to get the association to take everything to arbitration with an apparant plan to reduce the union's treasury.

Then it got worse. The Rae Government introduced the Social Contract Act, and management had to look for more savings in a bankrupt city. Arbitrary targets were set by the province for savings, and Council and staff decided that across-the-board percentage cuts would be applied, rather than prioritizing which services needed more resources. The association tried to educate the politicians by providing a forty-five page staffing report and showing how understaffed the York Fire Department already was. It fell on deaf ears. Negotiations on savings went nowhere as the city shirked it's legal responsibility to "open the books" to the Association. An an ill-thought clause in the act made it possible for cities to freeze increment increases for the many fire fighters who were being promoted through the ranks, resulting in potential losses of up to $50,000 for some fire fighters. The association's position to "buy back" the increments was passed. However, this wasn't popular with senior members, whose pensions would be affected by the salary rollbacks. Their service pay was also temporarily eliminated. But a deal was finally reached through government mediation. Still, young fire fighters joined the senior ones in becoming cynical and bitter as malicious rumours of layoffs were spread by senior officers, and raises became non existant. Even the vacant Deputy Chief's position was never re-filled.

During this time, Chief Parker's contract was not renewed, and the city hired the first chief from outside the department. Like the throng of itinerant staff coming and going at 2700 Eglinton Avenue, it was believed that the new chief was hired to make more cuts.

And he did. Commissioned vehicles were taken out of service more frequently, until some of them were decommisioned altogether. A dual-purpose quint was purchased for Station One to replace a pumper and an aerial. Callbacks to bring up staffing to minimum requirements were cancelled "when the budget ran out." Many times, there was no aerial in service at all. The MTFESP was put in regularly, and the chief had no trouble requesting specific pieces of equipment and crews from surrounding communities. Fire chiefs from North York and Toronto protested this situation, but Council and city staff appeared to feel no shame.

But the fire fighters felt shame. The fifty-year old myth held by larger departments that York was too small to handle it's own calls was finally true. By the March of 1996, a special plan in the OMERS pension allowed members with over 25 year's service to retire without penalty. Within two weeks, twenty-three members retired on a "Type 7," leaving vacancies that provided the city with even more savings through "gapping" and replacement of senior fire fighters with probationers.

Union meetings were poorly attended because of the number of fire fighters who lived further out of town, and the fact that the union didn't have much control over things anyway. Local 411 couldn't bargain, grievances were lost as often as they were won despite their validity and layoffs seemed to be averted. Sports and recreation activities thrived with the influx of new members, but members would not give up their off-duty time for department activities. However, members were still committed to the public they served. Although some stopped doing the extra duties which saved the department money, some volunteered their time and energy to fight for better service. Members attended ratepayers meetings and distributed information pamphlets. When all of the other Metro departments started carrying defibrillators, York refused because Council feared increased costs. Even if the defibs were provided for free, Council was concerned about the cost of maintenance. Local 411 members wrote letters to the editor until the issue got hot enough for Council to act on. Some politicians joined the fanfare on the introduction of the equipment on York pumpers. One who voted against them in a closed-door meeting even mugged from the front page of a local paper with a defib, as if it was his idea to provide them!

Then the Tories came. Legislation was passed limiting bargaining rights, gutting the Fire Departments Act and forcing amalgamation of the municipalities in Metropolitan Toronto. As those who mismanaged us and cut us to the bone left with retirement bonuses and buyouts, fire fighters were left to deal with fewer resources and more calls. The amalgamation of the Provincial Federation of Ontario Fire Fighters and the Ontario Professional Fire Fighters Association, after an effective joint campaign against the province's Bill 84 made it easier with all Metro locals having the same affiliation. York was an equal member of the newly-establish "Council of Trade Unions."